Originally published in 2008 and then updated in the 2012
issue I read, Fareed Zakaria’s The
Post-American World was prophetic in predicting the dynamics we now experience
in the United States. An astute author and observant analyst of political and
social trends, Zakaria described a world where America is not diminished in its
prominence and importance but is simply joined by the rise of the rest.
Although some may fear the rise of the rest, there is much
good news, including the fact that “the share of people living on a dollar a
day or less plummeted from 40 percent in 1981 to 18 percent in 2004, and is
estimated to fall to 12 percent by 2015” (p. 3). The improvement of conditions
for people around the world is accompanied by a leveling or flattening that
results in America no longer dominating all others in industrial, financial,
educational, social, and cultural expertise. One of the greatest benefits of
the improved conditions around the world is that war is much less prevalent and
nations are now learning to negotiate and agree to conditions that are mutually
beneficial rather than unilateral imposed. As Zakaria puts it, we are finding that
“the best counterterrorism policy is resilience” (p. 17) and the improvement of
living conditions for all.
A major problems faced by all countries is that
even as cultures grow more globalized, formal political systems (i.e.
nation-states) have become far less able to solve questions of sustainability,
growth, and equity. When they are successful, they take pride in their
accomplishments and this results in less interest in the West and the way it
conducts itself. This move is a type of indifference that results in a post-American
(versus anti-American) worldview.
One of the most important statements that Zakaria makes is
that in the new world of many powers, influential nations will maintain their
competitiveness through pushing education, technology and innovation. The
American higher education sector is the most esteemed throughout the world and,
despite the vulnerabilities of broad access it affords, is the unequivocal
leader in quality and is likely to remain in this position. He also says that,
“the path to power is through markets, not empires” (p. 120). Zakaria extended
the British empire analogy as a warning to America. Once a great, dominating
force, Great Britain had to accept its relative decline as countries like the
U.S. rose. Because it did so gracefully, it maintained much of its influence in
the world. However, Zakaria warns that, “Great powers are like divas: they
enter and exit the international stage with great tumult” (p. 117). America’s
great opportunity, and Zakaria would suggest hope, is that it can maintain its
prominence while understanding its greatness among many rather than domination over
all.
The greatest challenge Zakaria warns is that, while the
American approaches to education, innovation, and creating public good is one
of the most distinguished in human history, its political system fails
miserably. He says, “The American political system has lost the ability for
large-scale compromise, and it has lost the ability to accept some pain now for
much gain later on” resulting in a ‘can do’ country now being “saddled with a
‘do-nothing’ political process” (p. 234). Zakaria’s book was written before
Donald J. Trump was elected as U.S. President but what is depressingly clear is
that the conflict and drag of our political system is now having a profoundly
negative impact on America’s credibility and role around the world. In order to
overcome this drag, Zakaria recommends that America learn to discipline itself
by making better choices about where it will get involved, build broad rules
instead of narrow interests, establish better relations with many countries
instead of a narrow few, relate to the world in an organic way utilizing a
variety of structures and strategies, think creatively and asymmetrically, and
strive for legitimacy to substantiate its power.
